Stephen Morris's Profile

 Article by Paul Embery

In his 1941 essay ‘England, Your England’, George Orwell wrote:

England is perhaps the only great country whose intellectuals are ashamed of their own nationality. In left-wing circles, it is always felt that there is something slightly disgraceful in being an Englishman, and that it is a duty to snigger at every English institution… [A]lmost any English intellectual would feel more ashamed of standing to attention during ‘God Save the King’ than of stealing from a poor box.

I suspect that even the great man himself, a socialist and patriot to the core, would be shocked by the degree to which the anti-English sentiment he identified over 80 years ago has become even more embedded in the psyche of the nation’s political and cultural elites – and not just those who consider themselves to be on the left.

We all know the script. England has no distinct political or cultural identity – not a meaningful one, at any rate. Most of the good and revered things that are said to be ‘English’ are not English at all; they all came from elsewhere. Other than ‘diversity’ and ‘tolerance’, naturally. Those anodyne concepts must be cited ad nauseum in response to any enquiry of what it is that makes us proud to be English. But that’s about it. (Oh, and didn’t you know that St George was really a Palestinian?)

The bad things, on the other hand – they are all definitely English. Slavery and imperialism, for example. The English must forever be reminded of their responsibility for these evils and be expected to engage in regular bouts of self-flagellation by way of atonement.

It’s hard to believe that any other nation’s intelligentsia would be so determined to denigrate or deny its history and identity in this way. Many who demonstrate such a mindset hold the belief that any expression of Englishness can stem only from a feeling of superiority or xenophobia or pride in things about which the English should be unproud. While Scottish, Welsh and Irish nationalism are seen as largely benign – even admirable by those who deem these nations to have suffered historical oppression at the hands of their larger neighbour – English nationalism, even of the most innocuous, civic kind, is to be avoided at all costs. (I wonder if these people have ever troubled to learn about Scotland’s role in the Empire.)

Others are motivated by the view that, in this age of ever-deepening globalisation, national borders and identities are essentially redundant, and we are instead all now citizens-of-nowhere – part of a great global cultural blancmange. Anyone standing in the way of this phenomenon is deemed an opponent of ‘progress’ and treated as some sort of political or cultural dinosaur. This, I am sure, explains why even some politicians on the right remain nervous about promoting the politics of English identity. They know that many in the SW1 bubble, including media types, consider it all a bit uncouth and working-class – even ‘far-right’ – and would perhaps question their motivation. And, frankly, the number of MPs willing to be seen as out-of-step with the general cosmopolitan liberal worldview that dominates within the upper echelons of public life and our national institutions these days is vanishingly small.

Take a recent much-commented-upon segment of an interview of Tory leadership candidate Robert Jenrick on Sky News. Jenrick had argued in a newspaper article that English identity had been placed at risk by immigration, ‘non-integrating multiculturalism’ and a metropolitan establishment which ‘actively disapprove[s]’ of the nation’s history and culture. Now, one may disagree with Jenrick’s analysis. But the interviewer barely even considered the analysis on its own merits, instead pressing Jenrick repeatedly on the question of ‘What is English identity?’ – the clear implication being that there was no such thing. For that is the premise from which much of the commentariat starts: that Englishness is an illusory concept and there is nothing distinct about the country at all.

It's almost impossible to imagine a news presenter in a studio in, say, Berlin or Paris or New York or even Glasgow, when interviewing a politician who had said, rightly or wrongly, that the relevant nation’s identity was under threat, defaulting immediately to the position that that couldn’t possibly be the case as that identity didn’t really exist.

Jenrick’s intervention sparked a wider debate on social media and beyond, with the usual suspects lining up to deride the entire notion of English identity and argue that there is no such thing. When it comes to England of all nations – the birthplace of common law, a near-universal language, an unsurpassed canon of literature and poetry, the Anglican church, the Westminster system of government, the industrial revolution, and numerous popular sports – such a theory is patently ridiculous. You may not like or be interested in any of the aforementioned things. But to deny that they have over a thousand years helped to shape England into the distinct political and cultural entity it is today is to demonstrate ignorance of the highest order.   

I am no jingoist. I have never displayed a national flag on my car or outside my home – I’m not sure I’ve ever even waved one – and I have no desire to see schoolchildren singing the national anthem every morning in assembly or that kind of thing. But I consider myself English (as well as British) and, like millions of my compatriots, I am irritated at attempts by the liberal-progressive elites to airbrush or traduce that identity and the history that goes with it.

These attempts have over the past couple of decades engendered a sense of national dispossession throughout many of England’s communities – especially in the provincial quarters of the country – and led to an increase in the number of voters identifying as more English than British. This development has, in turn, had a tangible impact on our politics. As former Labour cabinet minister and current director of the Centre for English Identity and Politics at the University of Southampton, John Denham, wrote earlier this year:

In the first two decades of the 21st century, the politics of England and the UK were transformed by voters who emphasised their English identity. The votes of the ‘more English than British’ took Ukip from obscurity to agenda setter, secured the fateful promise of an EU referendum, and delivered the Leave vote. In the 2019 ‘Get Brexit Done’ election, Boris Johnson’s Conservatives gained the support of 68% of the ‘More English than British’, 50% of the ‘equally English and British’, but lost narrowly to Labour amongst the ‘More British than English’.

Those bent on ridiculing the whole concept of English identity might perhaps be wise to start recognising the impact of their words and actions on the wider political landscape.

The documentary examines the current voting system in the UK and explores the limitations and implications of the first-past-the-post system in comparison to a proportional representation system. Through interviews with experts, politicians, and voters, the film highlights the flaws of the current system, such as wasted votes and disproportionate outcomes.

The documentary also delves into the history of voting reform in the UK and analyses the potential benefits of transitioning to a proportional representation system. Ultimately, the film argues for the need to update the UK's voting system to better reflect the diversity of political opinions and ensure fair representation for all citizens.

https://youtu.be/jehfPCDU1mk?si=YA5kZeFdun8iHzUe

I have lived in Leighton Buzzard since 2013 and previously worked at Central Bedfordshire College in Dunstable.  I activity campaigned for Brexit.

Having studied law at the University of Westminster I strongly believe that during the Covid pandemic, the Conservatives abused there position by eroding the rights and civil liberties of normal people whilst openly flouting their own rules.  This shows the level of contempt they have for the public.

 I have also volunteered for Citizen’s Advice, from which I am aware of the problems with the social security system and overstretch foodbanks.

 As a traditional Catholic, I reject the profane novelties which have plagued modern society since the 1960’s.  Thereby I absolutely oppose abortion and euthanasia.

In my view it was a mistake for the UK to get involved in the war between Russia and Ukraine.  Our military resources would have been better used peacekeeping in the Holy Land.

Dear fellow resident of Bury South,

My name is Stephen, and my party is England’s equivalent to Plaid Cymru and the Scottish National Party.

Whether standing in local, general, or mayoral elections my beliefs and aims for our area remain the same, they don’t alter with each election just to gain votes, what you see is what you get.

The English Democrats also don’t use a party whip system, as such I am free to campaign and vote on issues that I believe in, unlike some other candidates from other parties that if elected have to toe the party line.

Before becoming the General Secretary for the Workers of England Union in 2017 I spent 15 years working in various departments on Metrolink Tram network, where for 7 years I was also the Unite Branch Secretary. Prior to Metrolink I spent 15 years managing various retail stores.

Married to Valerie we have 3 children, I have lived in Bury for over 37 years (Val for over 50 years) and my youngest child still attends the local high school.  

Below are a few bullet points which I am committed to achieving.

Aims for our Police service

1. Under Labours failed leadership Greater Manchester Police was placed under special measures, only the 2nd Police force ever to be put under special measures. Labour Councillors fail to hold the Labour Mayor to account over our failed Police service.
2. To make sure Greater Manchester Police enforce the laws of England without fear or favour.
3. To make sure our Police service prosecute those responsible for sexual crimes against children, and those in authority who failed those children.
4. Zero tolerance policy towards political correctness in Policing.

Aims for our Economy

1. That businesses tendering for local Government contracts have Family-Friendly Policies.
2. Local hiring – Businesses tendering for local Government contracts will be encouraged to hire people who live close to the place of work.
3. No local Government contracts will be issued to a company that is ultimately controlled by a regime that has ongoing human rights violations.

Aims for Health and Social Care

1. Mental Health is now a major concern, my focus will be on pushing for wider community support for people living with mental illness.
2. Care units will be set up to take all the homeless off the streets of Greater Manchester.
3. A program for the early diagnosis of cancer will be rolled out across residents of Greater Manchester.

Aims for Transport

1. To stop any Greater Manchester Road Tax (Congestion charge), Emissions Zone tax, or whatever other label the other parties attach to it. We should encourage people to use alternative public transport where available, and look to provide it where its not, we should not add any more tax burdens on the people of our area.
2. To campaign for peak fares to be abolished on Greater Manchester public transport.
3. Greater use will be made of city cycleways and pedestrian friendly areas.
4. Review of all bus lanes, whether they help or hinder traffic flow, and those bus lanes which hinder traffic flow to be removed.

Aims for Planning and Environment

1. To stop building on Green Belt land.
2. That planning applications on brownfield sites located with greenbelt areas be tightly monitored, so not to adversely affect the surrounding greenbelt area.
3. Residential Housing:
   1. That all new housing applications will be required to have solar energy installed.
   2. That all new residential flats will have to have car park facilities built underneath the building; areas above ground should be given to residential homes and not made into car parks.
4. Industrial units:
   1. That all new industrial units will have to have solar panels installed
   2. That all new industrial units will have to have car parking facilities built under their units, areas above ground should be given to industrial units and not made into car parks
   3. Implement a review on the feasibility of Small Hydroelectric Turbine Generators – making use of our rivers could be a possibility.

Eastern

48 Basildon and Billericay BC
49 Bedford BC
50 Braintree CC
51 Brentwood and Ongar CC - Robin Tilbrook
52 Broadland and Fakenham CC
53 Broxbourne CC
54 Bury St Edmunds and Stowmarket CC
55 Cambridge BC
56 Castle Point BC
57 Central Suffolk and North Ipswich CC
58 Chelmsford BC
59 Clacton CC
60 Colchester BC
61 Dunstable and Leighton Buzzard CC - Antonio Vitiello
62 Ely and East Cambridgeshire CC
63 Epping Forest CC
64 Great Yarmouth CC 
65 Harlow CC
66 Harpenden and Berkhamsted CC
67 Harwich and North Essex CC
68 Hemel Hempstead CC
69 Hertford and Stortford CC
70 Hertsmere CC
71 Hitchin CC
72 Huntingdon CC
73 Ipswich BC
74 Lowestoft CC
75 Luton North BC
76 Luton South and South Bedfordshire CC
77 Maldon CC
78 Mid Bedfordshire CC
79 Mid Norfolk CC
80 North Bedfordshire CC
81 North East Cambridgeshire CC
82 North East Hertfordshire CC
83 North Norfolk CC
84 North West Cambridgeshire CC
85 North West Essex CC
86 North West Norfolk CC
87 Norwich North BC
88 Norwich South BC
89 Peterborough CC
90 Rayleigh and Wickford CC
91 South Basildon and East Thurrock CC
92 South Cambridgeshire CC
93 South Norfolk CC
94 South Suffolk CC
95 South West Hertfordshire CC
96 South West Norfolk CC
97 Southend East and Rochford CC
98 Southend West and Leigh BC
99 St Albans CC
100 St Neots and Mid Cambridgeshire CC
101 Stevenage CC
102 Suffolk Coastal CC
103 Thurrock BC
104 Watford BC
105 Waveney Valley CC
106 Welwyn Hatfield CC
107 West Suffolk CC
108 Witham CC

London

109 Barking BC
110 Battersea BC
111 Beckenham and Penge BC
112 Bermondsey and Old Southwark BC
113 Bethnal Green and Stepney BC
114 Bexleyheath and Crayford BC
115 Brent East BC
116 Brent West BC
117 Brentford and Isleworth BC
118 Bromley and Biggin Hill BC
119 Carshalton and Wallington BC
120 Chelsea and Fulham BC
121 Chingford and Woodford Green BC
122 Chipping Barnet BC
123 Cities of London and Westminster BC
124 Clapham and Brixton Hill BC
125 Croydon East BC
126 Croydon South BC
127 Croydon West BC
128 Dagenham and Rainham BC
129 Dulwich and West Norwood BC
130 Ealing Central and Acton BC
131 Ealing North BC
132 Ealing Southall BC
133 East Ham BC
134 Edmonton and Winchmore Hill BC
135 Eltham and Chislehurst BC
136 Enfield North BC
137 Erith and Thamesmead BC
138 Feltham and Heston BC
139 Finchley and Golders Green BC
140 Greenwich and Woolwich BC
141 Hackney North and Stoke Newington BC
142 Hackney South and Shoreditch BC
143 Hammersmith and Chiswick BC
144 Hampstead and Highgate BC
145 Harrow East BC
146 Harrow West BC
147 Hayes and Harlington BC
148 Hendon BC
149 Holborn and St Pancras BC
150 Hornchurch and Upminster BC
151 Hornsey and Friern Barnet BC
152 Ilford North BC
153 Ilford South BC
154 Islington North BC
155 Islington South and Finsbury BC
156 Kensington and Bayswater BC
157 Kingston and Surbiton BC
158 Lewisham East BC
159 Lewisham North BC
160 Lewisham West and East Dulwich BC
161 Leyton and Wanstead BC
162 Mitcham and Morden BC
163 Old Bexley and Sidcup BC
164 Orpington BC
165 Peckham BC
166 Poplar and Limehouse BC
167 Putney BC
168 Queen’s Park and Maida Vale BC
169 Richmond Park BC
170 Romford BC
171 Ruislip, Northwood and Pinner BC
172 Southgate and Wood Green BC
173 Stratford and Bow BC
174 Streatham and Croydon North BC
175 Sutton and Cheam BC
176 Tooting BC
177 Tottenham BC
178 Twickenham BC
179 Uxbridge and South Ruislip BC
180 Vauxhall and Camberwell Green BC
181 Walthamstow BC
182 West Ham and Beckton BC
183 Wimbledon BC

North East

184 Bishop Auckland CC
185 Blaydon and Consett CC
186 Blyth and Ashington CC
187 City of Durham CC
188 Cramlington and Killingworth CC
189 Darlington CC
190 Easington CC
191 Gateshead Central and Whickham BC
192 Hartlepool CC
193 Hexham CC
194 Houghton and Sunderland South CC
195 Jarrow and Gateshead East BC
196 Middlesbrough and Thornaby East BC
197 Middlesbrough South and East Cleveland BC
198 Newcastle upon Tyne Central and West BC
199 Newcastle upon Tyne East and Wallsend BC
200 Newcastle upon Tyne North BC
201 Newton Aycliffe and Spennymoor CC
202 North Durham CC
203 North Northumberland CC
204 Redcar BC
205 South Shields BC
206 Stockton North CC
207 Stockton West CC
208 Sunderland Central BC
209 Tynemouth BC
210 Washington and Gateshead South B